7月3日，一封致特朗普總統和國會議員的公開信——《把中國當成美國的敵人於事無補》（Making China a US enemy is counterproductive），轟動了中美兩國政策圈。
這封信發表在《華盛頓郵報》上，由五位美國資深中國問題專家和前政府官員領銜起草，95名外交、學術、政界、商界、軍界等名人聯合簽署，因而又被稱為“百人信”。
《華盛頓郵報》上這封公開信的標題為：中國並非敵人
起草人美國前駐華大使芮效儉、卡內基國際和平基金會高級研究員史文、麻省理工學院教授傅泰林、前國務院代理助卿董雲裳、前哈佛大學教授傅高義，在信中表達了對特朗普執政以來中美關係不斷惡化的擔憂，對美國政府現行對華政策提出質疑，並就美國對華政策提出了七點意見。
7月9日，在清華大學主辦的第八屆世界和平論壇現場，起草人之一的史文（Michael Swaine）首次對中國媒體講述這封公開信背後的故事。
2019年7月9日，在北京出席第八屆世界和平論壇的卡內基國際和平研究院資深研究員史文召開新聞發佈會，就公開信進行說明。（圖自視覺中國）
1
對抗中國成為共識？
NO！這種說法根本不存在！
在第八屆世界和平論壇新聞發佈會現場，史文表示，發表公開信的初衷是希望召集來自各界的知識淵博、經驗豐富的重要人士，而不僅僅是中國專家，對當前美國在處理對華關係時出現的對立趨勢，提出令人信服的評判。
The original purpose of the open letter was to put together a sizable number of important, knowledgeable and experienced people in many different areas, not just China experts, to offer a respectable critique of the current trend toward adversarial relationship with China.
他透露，最初在公開信上簽名的人數是100位，目前，人數不斷上漲，已經超過了150位。
對我而言，這樣大量的簽名就說明了一個問題，我們以前常常重複這樣一個觀點——美國政策專家、商界以及軍隊就對中國採取對抗性或敵對立場達成明確共識，這種觀點實際上是錯誤的。根本不存在這樣的共識。
This number of people to me indicates that the often repeated notion that there is a clear consensus in the US among policy experts and among business and military people in support of a confrontational or adversarial stance toward China is wrong. No such consensus exists.
民調顯示，美國人民根本不支持對華採取對抗性立場或採取極端政策。
美國許多相關人士反對政府在某些領域對華採取極端政策。從民意調查來看，美國大眾似乎也並不支持這樣的政策。
Many very relevant people in the United States oppose the more extreme policies of the US government toward China in some areas. And the American public in general don't seem to support it either, judging by an opinion poll.
2
中美關係並非只有兩種選擇
史文認為，中美之間需要在很多領域保持合作關係。他明確表示，撰寫這封公開信，不是為了讓中美關係退回早期的對華政策，而是在過去的政策和現行政策之間尋求一個合理的中間立場。
很多批評人士認為，這封信是呼籲美國回到過去的對華政策，好像我們只有兩個選擇：要麼是選擇特朗普政府的現行政策，要麼是回到過去的對華政策。我認為這是錯誤的。這並不是唯一選擇。這封信贊同與中國進行持續且深入的接觸，而並非簡單地回到過去的對華政策。
Many people who criticize this letter as a call for a return to past US policies toward China as if the only alternatives that we face are between the current policies of the Trump administration and the polices of the past. This is wrong in my view. These are not the only alternatives. The letter certainly endorses continuing deep engagement with China. It doesn't vision a simple return to the past.
美國應該在發展與中國的關係上存在一個合理的中間立場，採取這樣的立場應該基於事實，而非誇誇其談。簽名的人也都認為在過去的政策和現行政策之間應該有一個合理的中間立場。這將意味著在某些領域需要有新的方法。讓（美國政府）意識到中美需要以有意義的方式在許多領域保持合作關係。
There is a reasonable middle ground, based more on facts and not rhetoric or hyperbole, that the United States should be developing in its relations with China. That is what I believe the signers envision that there is a reasonable middle ground between the past policies and the current policies. That would involve new approaches in certain areas. ……would recognize the meaningful ways they need for China and the US to remain cooperative in many areas.
3
貿易戰會“殃及池魚”
史文認為，因為中美髮展路徑不同，就要將中美經濟“脫鉤”，減少中美貿易，“這種觀點嚴重錯誤”。
有人認為中國對美國構成了根本性威脅，即使不切斷中美貿易，也要減少貿易往來。因為中美在根本上存在差異，必須將中美經濟關係脫鉤。我認為這種觀點嚴重錯誤。不能這樣做，這樣做是適得其反，甚至對兩國而言具有破壞性。
There is also a belief that because China supposively represents a fundamental threat to the US. Trade relations need to be reduced if not cut off. There has to be decoupling from the US and Chinese economies because China and the US differ fundamentally. I think that viewpoint is seriously wrong. I think it's impossible to do and I think there would be counterproductive and destructive for both China and the United States.
他表示，貿易戰帶來的負面影響最終會作用於美國民眾，甚至殃及其他國家。
隨著關稅戰的升級，可能會對中美兩國以及世界其他國家產生造成越來越大的損害。我認為，關稅戰的負面影響會隨著時間不斷加劇，影響美國及其他地方的民眾。
You could get growing damage to both countries and to other countries from an escalating tariff war. I think the negative consequences of the tariff war will grow over time and affect the public in the United States and elsewhere.
4
誰說簽名的“老同志”想法守舊？
公開信發表後，有人曾對此提出質疑，聚焦點是簽名人的年齡問題。
有人批評說，這封信的簽名人都是些“老同志”，他們守舊，想要擁護舊的政策。我認為，這種觀點從根本上是錯誤的。
There's some criticism that the people who signed this letter were sort of the old guys, the old-line people, who wanted to have the old policies.I just think that's fundamentally wrong.
對此，史文迴應稱，聯名“上書”的都是各個領域頗有成就和見地的人，而這些人碰巧是“老同志”。
可以看到，簽署這封聯名信的人，有些曾是政府高級官員，雖然他們對中國有不同的觀點，但他們始終認為現在在美國，至少是在華盛頓以及大多數媒體中佔據主導地位的觀點是消極的。他們提出反對意見，認為這種政策是事與願違的。
You can see the people who signed this letter. There are some very senior former officials, a range of different viewpoints on China who still believe the current negative mindset that is dominant in the US, in Washington at least and among lot of the media. They disagree with that, they think its counterproductive.
我們想要聯合那些頗有名望的人來簽署這封公開信。而他們碰巧都是些“老同志”，因為他們經歷的多。
We want to get people who are widely well known and respected to sign this letter. They happen to be old people. Because they've been around longer.
史文也表示，他們希望更多年輕的力量來表達自己的觀點。
我們也希望得到年輕人的簽名。在我的印象中，其他簽名人中有不少是年輕學者，包括中國問題專家。
But we also want to get younger people to sign as well. And my impression is that quite a few of the additional signers for this letter are younger scholars, China scholars and others who have signed on this letter as well.
這封公開信到底說了什麼？CD君幫大家梳理了幾個關鍵點↓↓
我們來自學術界、國際政治、軍事及商界，絕大多數來自美國，其中有許多人的工作都致力於亞洲地區的各項事務。我們對中美關係日益惡化感到深深的擔憂，我們認為中美關係惡化不符合美國，乃至全球的利益需求。
We are members of the scholarly, foreign policy, military and business communities, overwhelmingly from the United States, including many who have focused on Asia throughout our professional careers. We are deeply concerned about the growing deterioration in U.S. relations with China, which we believe does not serve American or global interests.
1
中國不是美國的敵人
我們既不相信中國是我們經濟上的敵人，也不認為它會對美國國家安全構成威脅，所以我們沒必要在各個領域都與之抗衡。
We do not believe Beijing is an economic enemy or an existential national security threat that must be confronted in every sphere; nor is China a monolith, or the views of its leaders set in stone.
適當平衡競爭和合作，美國的積極措施可以有效幫助中國在國際事務中發揮更具建設性的作用。
With the right balance of competition and cooperation, U.S. actions can strengthen those Chinese leaders who want China to play a constructive role in world affairs.
2
傷“敵”一千，自損八百
美國將中國視為敵人並試圖使其與全球經濟脫鉤的做法，有損美國的國際地位和聲譽，甚至威脅所有國家的經濟利益。美國的抵制不會阻止中國經濟的持續擴張、中國企業在全球市場上的份額增長以及中國在國際事務中的地位提升。
U.S. efforts to treat China as an enemy and decouple it from the global economy will damage the United States' international role and reputation and undermine the economic interests of all nations. U.S. opposition will not prevent the continued expansion of the Chinese economy, a greater global market share for Chinese companies and an increase in China's role in world affairs.
此外，美國在著力減緩中國崛起的同時，也耗損著美國經濟。如果美國對其盟國施壓，要求他們將中國視為經濟和政治上敵人，將削弱美國與這些盟國之間的聯繫。最終被孤立的，可能不是中國，而是美國自己。
Moreover, the United States cannot significantly slow China's rise without damaging itself. If the United States presses its allies to treat China as an economic and political enemy, it will weaken its relations with those allies and could end up isolating itself rather than Beijing.
3
美國應關注自身發展，而非遏制中國
中國不斷增長的軍事實力已經動搖了美國長期以來在西太平洋地區的軍事主導地位。美國最好的迴應方式不是與中國公然展開以進攻性、深度打擊武器為核心的開放式軍備競賽，也不是試圖實現重新確立美國在直抵中國邊界地區的絕對主導地位的荒謬理想。
Beijing's growing military capabilities have already eroded the United States' long-standing military preeminence in the Western Pacific. The best way to respond to this is not to engage in an open-ended arms race centered on offensive, deep-strike weapons and the virtually impossible goal of reasserting full-spectrum U.S. dominance up to China's borders.
更明智的政策應是加強與盟國的合作，維持威懾力，加強防禦性區域的抵禦能力，培育作戰韌性，提高挫敗對美國及盟國襲擊的能力，同時加強應對中方危機的管理工作。
A wiser policy is to work with allies to maintain deterrence, emphasizing defensive-oriented, area denial capabilities, resiliency and the ability to frustrate attacks on U.S. or allied territory, while strengthening crisis-management efforts with Beijing.
維護美國利益應該是通過振興美國在不斷髮展變化世界中有效競爭的能力，加強與其他國家和國際組織的合作，而非通過破壞和遏制中國與世界交融這一適得其反的做法來實現的。
The United States' interests are best served by restoring its ability to compete effectively in a changing world and by working alongside other nations and international organizations rather than by promoting a counterproductive effort to undermine and contain China's engagement with the world.
4
拒絕零和博弈
中國的參與，對國際體系的續存以及氣候變化等國際共同問題的有效解決，起著重要的作用。美國應該鼓勵中國參與到新的全球體制中來。在新的體制中，新興崛起的國家有更大的發言權。以"零和博弈"的方式對待中國，只會鼓勵中國脫離全球體制或另創一套破壞西方利益、分裂全球的秩序。
China's engagement in the international system is essential to the system’s survival and to effective action on common problems such as climate change. The United States should encourage Chinese participation in new or modified global regimes in which rising powers have a greater voice. A zero-sum approach to China's role would only encourage Beijing to either disengage from the system or sponsor a divided global order that would be damaging to Western interest.
毫無疑問，這封公開信的起草人和簽名人所表現出來的立場和政治傾向，以及他們為了美國利益而應對中國的態度是不言自明的。
然而，他們的結論是美國不應與中國為敵，在美國國內和世界上不存在支持對華採取全面敵對立場的共識，堅持與中國脫鉤必將損害美國自身利益和所有國家利益。
他們看到中國經濟持續增長不可阻擋，中國崛起無法減緩，美國只有努力增強自己的競爭力，才能在再次強大起來。
相比美國當局而言，這封公開信顯示出起草人和簽名人的視野更為寬闊，態度更加現實。
把中國當敵人是愚蠢的
史文領銜起草的這封公開信的主題是“中國不是敵人”，對此，中國外交部副部長樂玉成也有類似的觀點，他的觀點得到外媒的廣泛報道。
在7月8-9日召開的世界和平論壇期間，樂玉成談到中美關係時表示，與中國為敵是愚蠢的，將帶來災難性後果。
美國商業內幕網站（Business Insider）網站和CNN均在報道中援引樂玉成的觀點，“經濟不平衡、貧富分化、基礎設施老舊，這些都是他們（美國）自身的問題，不是中國造成的。不應該把中國當成替罪羊”。
Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng at the World Peace Forum in the Chinese capital said, "The economic imbalance, polarization between the rich and poor, the aging of infrastructure — all of those have their own causes, but it's not because of China. [You] shouldn't see China as the scapegoat."
商業內幕網站：中國外交官警告稱，美國把中國當敵人將造成“災難性”後果
CNN：美國把中國當成敵人很“愚蠢”，中國外交官表示
《南華早報》也在報道中援引樂玉成的這個觀點，同時在文中提到目前中美人文交流面臨的問題。
南華早報：中國高級外交官警告美國，如果把中國當成“敵人”將面臨“災難性後果”
樂玉成表示，有報道稱，有些華裔科學家因為與中國有關係，就遭到不公正對待，受到監控、歧視，甚至為此丟掉工作。
"There are some reports saying that some Chinese-American scientists in the US, just because they are Chinese scientists, they have been treated unfairly," he said. "They have been put under scrutiny, harassed, and some of them even lost their jobs."
他明確表示，這種以血統和種族為標籤來阻撓兩國人文交流的做法不得人心。
Hampering US-China people-to-people exchanges based on blood lineage and race is unpopular.
編輯：胡雨濛
實習生：楊敏儀
部分內容參考澎湃新聞
來源：中國日報
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